|
|
| Cote d'Ivoire PROFILE
OFFICIAL NAME: Geography People Government Economy PEOPLE Of the more than 5 million non-Ivoirian Africans living in Cote d'Ivoire,
one-third to one-half are from Burkina Faso; the rest are from Ghana, Guinea,
Mali, Nigeria, Benin, Senegal, Liberia, and Mauritania. The non-African
expatriate community includes roughly 20,000 French and possibly 100,000
Lebanese. The number of elementary school-aged children attending classes
increased from 22% in 1960 to 67% in 1995.
HISTORY In the 18th century, the country was invaded by two related Akan groups--the
Agnes, who occupied the southeast, and the Bales, who settled in the central
section. In 1843-44, Adm. Bouet-Williaumez signed treaties with the kings of the
Grand Bassam and Assinie regions, placing their territories under a French
protectorate. French explorers, missionaries, trading companies, and soldiers
gradually extended the area under French control inland from the lagoon region.
However, pacification was not accomplished until 1915.
French Period From 1904 to 1958, Cote d'Ivoire was a constituent unit of the Federation of
French West Africa. It was a colony and an overseas territory under the Third
Republic. Until the period following World War II, governmental affairs in
French West Africa were administered from Paris. France's policy in West Africa
was reflected mainly in its philosophy of "association," meaning that
all Africans in Cote d'Ivoire were officially French "subjects"
without rights to representation in Africa or France.
During World War II, the Vichy regime remained in control until 1943, when
members of Gen. Charles De Gaulle's provisional government assumed control of
all French West Africa. The Brazzaville conference in 1944, the first
Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic in 1946, and France's gratitude for
African loyalty during World War II led to far-reaching governmental reforms in
1946. French citizenship was granted to all African "subjects," the
right to organize politically was recognized, and various forms of forced labor
were abolished.
A turning point in relations with France was reached with the 1956 Overseas
Reform Act (Loi Cadre), which transferred a number of powers from Paris to
elected territorial governments in French West Africa and also removed remaining
voting inequalities.
Independence Cote d'Ivoire's contemporary political history is closely associated with the
career of Felix Houphouet-Boigny, President of the republic and leader of the Parti
Democratique de la Cote d'Ivoire (PDCI) until his death on December 7, 1993.
He was one of the founders of the Rassemblement Democratique Africain (RDA), the
leading pre-independence inter-territorial political party in French West
African territories (except Mauritania).
Houphouet-Boigny first came to political prominence in 1944 as founder of the
Syndicat Agricole Africain, an organization that won improved conditions for
African farmers and formed a nucleus for the PDCI. After World War II, he was
elected by a narrow margin to the first Constituent Assembly. Representing Cote
d'Ivoire in the French National Assembly from 1946 to 1959, he devoted much of
his effort to inter-territorial political organization and further amelioration
of labor conditions. After his 13-year service in the French National Assembly,
including almost 3 years as a minister in the French Government, he became Cote
d'Ivoire's first Prime Minister in April 1959, and the following year was
elected its first President.
In May 1959, Houphouet-Boigny reinforced his position as a dominant figure in
West Africa by leading Cote d'Ivoire, Niger, Upper Volta (Burkina), and Dahomey
(Benin) into the Council of the Entente, a regional organization promoting
economic development. He maintained that the road to African solidarity was
through step-by-step economic and political cooperation, recognizing the
principle of nonintervention in the internal affairs of other African states.
GOVERNMENT The unicameral National Assembly is composed of 225 members elected by direct
universal suffrage for a 5-year term concurrently with the President. It passes
on legislation typically introduced by the President, although it also can
introduce legislation.
The judicial system culminates in the Supreme Court. The High Court of
Justice is competent to try government officials for major offenses.
For administrative purposes, Cote d'Ivoire is divided into 18 regions, 58
departments, each headed by a prefect appointed by the central government. There
are 196 communes, each headed by an elected mayor, plus the city of Abidjan with
10 mayors.
THE NATIONAL SECURITY FORCES, MILITARY, AND GENDARME The army has the majority of its forces in the First Military Region
concentrated in and around Abidjan, its principal units there being a rapid
intervention battalion (airborne), an infantry battalion, an armored battalion,
and an air defense artillery battalion. The Second Military Region is located in
Daloa and is assigned one infantry battalion. The Third Military Region is
headquartered in Bouake and is home to an artillery, an infantry, and an
engineer battalion. The Fourth Military Region maintains only a Territorial
Defense Company headquartered in Korhogo. The fifth region is the Western
Operational Zone, a temporary command created to respond to the security threat
caused by the civil war in neighboring Liberia.
The gendarmerie is roughly equivalent in size to the army. It is a national
police force, which is responsible for territorial security, especially in rural
areas. In times of national crisis the gendarmerie could be used to reinforce
the army. The gendarmerie is commanded by a colonel-major and is comprised of
four legions, each corresponding to one of the four numbered military regions,
minus the temporary military operational zone on the western border.
Cote d'Ivoire has a brown-water navy whose mission is coastal surveillance
and security for the nation's 340-mile coastline. It has two fast-attack craft,
two patrol crafts, and one light transport ship. It also has numerous smaller
vessels used to control immigration and contraband within the lagoon system.
The Ivoirian Air Force's mission is to defend the nation's airspace and
provide transportation support to the other services. Within its inventory are 5
Alpha jets, 12 transport/utility aircraft, and 2 helicopters.
A mutual defense accord signed with France in 1961 provides for the
stationing of French forces in Cote d'Ivoire. The 43rd Marine Infantry Battalion
is based in Port Bouet adjacent to the Abidjan Airport and has more than 500
troops assigned.
Principal Government Officials Cote d'Ivoire maintains an embassy at 3421 Massachusetts Avenue, NW,
Washington, D.C. 20007 (202-979-0300).
POLITICAL CONDITIONS Following the bloodless coup, Gen. Robert Guei formed a government of
national unity and promised open elections. A new constitution was drafted and
ratified by the population in the summer of 2000. It retained clauses that
underscored national divisions between north and south, Christian and Muslim,
that had been growing since Houphouet's death.
In the summer of 2000, violence returned to Cote d'Ivoire. An attempted
military mutiny in July was followed by an attack on General Guei's home.
Elections were scheduled for the fall, but when the General's handpicked Supreme
Court disqualified all of the candidates from the two major parties (the PDCI
and RDR), Western election support and monitors were withdrawn. The RDR called
for a boycott, setting the stage for low election turnout in a race between Guei
and FPI candidate Laurent Gbagbo. When early polling results showed Gbagbo in
the lead--Guei stopped the process (claiming polling fraud), disbanded the
election commission, and declared himself the winner.
Within hours Gbagbo supporters took to the streets of Abidjan. A bloody fight
followed as crowds attacked the guards protecting the presidential palace. Many
gendarmes and soldiers joined the fight against the junta government forcing
Guei to flee. Having gained the most votes, Gbagbo was declared president. The
RDR then took the streets, calling for new elections because the Supreme Court
had declared their president candidate and all the candidates of the PDCI
ineligible. More violence erupted as forces loyal to the new government joined
the FPI youth to attack RDR demonstrators. Hundreds were killed in the few days
that followed before RDR party leader Alassane Ouatarra called for peace and
recognized the Gbagbo presidency.
Legislative elections were scheduled for December 2000 to reestablish the
National Assembly that General Guei had dissolved. As in the presidential
elections, the Supreme Court said it had doubts about the citizenship of RDR
president and former Prime Minister Alassane Ouattara which disqualified him
from running. The RDR called for an active boycott and election disruptions.
More violence erupted as many more died and elections were disturbed in some
legislative districts, leaving seats temporarily unfilled.
On January 7, 2001 another coup attempt shattered the temporary calm.
However, some weeks later, in the spring, local municipal elections were
conducted without violence and with the full participation of all political
parties. The RDR, who had boycotted the presidential and legislative elections,
won the most local seats, followed by the PDCI and FPI. Some economic aid from
the European Union began to return by the summer of 2001, and the IMF re-engaged
the government. Questions surrounding severe human rights abuses by the
government during the presidential and legislative elections of 2000 remain
unresolved, but day-to-day life began to return to normal.
Looking toward the country's future, the fundamental issue is whether its
political system will maintain the stability, which is critical for investor
confidence and further economic development. Beginning in 1990, Cote d'Ivoire
evolved, with relatively little violence or dislocation, from a single-party
state. Opposition parties, independent newspapers, and independent trades unions
were made legal at that time. Since those major changes occurred, the country's
pace of political change has been slow, at least through 1999. Whether further
democratic reform will take place, adequate to meet future challenges, is
unknown. As is generally true in the region, the business environment is one in
which personal contact and connections remain important, where rule of law does
not prevail with assurance, and where the legislative and judicial branches of
the government remain weak. The political system is becoming less centralized
with the president stepping out of his role as ruling party leader, while
attempting to decentralize many legislative functions. Gbagbo has promised less
executive interference in the judicial system, but it still lacks basic strength
and independence.
Cote d'Ivoire has a high population growth rate, a high crime rate
(particularly in Abidjan), a high incidence of AIDS, a multiplicity of tribes,
sporadic student unrest, a differential rate of in-country development according
to region, and a dichotomy of religion associated with region and tribe. These
factors put stress on the political system and will become more of a problem if
the economy does not return to consistent growth.
The political system in Cote d'Ivoire is president-dominated. The Prime
Minister concentrates principally on coordinating and implementing economic
policy. The key decisions--political, military, or economic--continue to be made
by the president. However, political dialogue is much freer today than prior to
1990, especially due to the opposition press, which vocalizes its criticism of
the regime. The Ivoirian constitution affords the legislature some independence,
but it had not been widely exercised prior to 2001. Until 1990, all legislators
were from the PDCI. After the December 2000 legislative elections, the PDCI
holds 94 out of 225 parliamentary seats. The FPI holds 96 seats, Independent
party candidates 22. The Ivoirian Workers Party (PIT) holds 4, the Movement
des Forces d'Avenir (MFA) and Union Democratique de Cote d'Ivoire
each hold one. The RDR won 5 seats despite the fact that all RDR candidates and
their party boycotted the election. Two seats from the district of Kong
(Ouattara's home district), remained unfilled as of late 2001.
Until it took the reins of government in the 2000 elections, the FPI party
was the oldest opposition party. Moderate in outlook, it has a socialist
coloration but which was more concerned with democratic reform than radical
economic change. It is strongest in the Bete ethnic areas (southwest) of
President Laurent Gbagbo. The PDCI's "core" region may be described as
the terrain of the Baoule ethic group in the country's center, home of both
Houphouet-Boigny and Bedie; however, the PDCI is represented in all parts of
Cote d'Ivoire. Former members of the PDCI's reformist wing formed the originally
nonideological RDR in September 1994. They hoped that former Prime Minister
Alassane Ouattara would run and prevail in the 1995 presidential election
(Ouattara was subsequently disqualified by Bedie-sponsored legislation requiring
5-year residency). The RDR is now strongest in the Muslim north.
The FPI and RDR boycotted the presidential election of October 1995 because
of Ouattara's disqualification and the absence of an independent electoral
commission (among other grievances). Their "active boycott" produced a
certain amount of violence and hundreds of arrests (with a number of those
arrested not tried for 2-1/2 years). These grievances remained unresolved,
adding to the political instability leading to the 1999 coup.
ECONOMY Foreign Direct Investment Statistics Infrastructure Recent political and economic problems have delayed Cote d'Ivoire's planned
public investment program. The government's public investment plan accords
priority to investment in human capital, but it also will provide for
significant spending on economic infrastructure needed to sustain growth.
Continued infrastructure development has been brought into question because of
private sector uncertainty. In the new environment of government disengagement
from productive activities and in the wake of recent privatization, anticipated
investments in the petroleum, electricity, water, and telecommunications
sectors, and in part in the transportation sector, will be financed without any
direct government intervention. A return to political and economic stability is
critical if Cote d'Ivoire is to realize its potential in the region.
Major Trends and Outlooks The 1994 devaluation of the CFA franc helped return Cote d'Ivoire to rapid
economic growth. Increased aid flows, rigorous macroeconomic policies, and high
international commodity prices, along with devaluation, yielded 6%-7% annual GDP
growth rates from 1994-98. Cote d'Ivoire also benefited from Paris Club debt
rescheduling in 1994, a London Club agreement in 1996, and the 1997 G-7 decision
to include Cote d'Ivoire in the IMF-World Bank debt forgiveness initiative for
highly indebted poor countries (HIPC).
With the economic improvement, Cote d'Ivoire began turning the corner on its
daunting debt load. For several years running, it met its IMF targets for
growth, inflation, government finance, and balance of payments. Government
revenues increased, which in combination with spending restraint resulted in 3
years of primary surpluses (i.e., receipts minus expenditure, excluding
borrowing and debt service). Following a concerted government repayment effort,
domestic arrears were virtually eliminated by the end of 1996. The
pre-devaluation stagnation which caused local businesses and potential outside
investors to delay capital expenditures accentuated the post-devaluation
investment boom.
Lower inflation followed as the government kept a tight lid both on salary
increases and on the size of the public sector work force devaluation and has
continued with the economic slow down of the last 2 years. The consumer price
index measure of inflation slide from 13.6% in 1995 to 5.4% in 1997 and 0.7% in
1999. Through the first three quarters of 2001 inflation is 4.0%, according to
the Ivoirian Institute of Statistics.
In the past 2 years, economic decline has resulted in declining living
standards. Falling commodity prices along with government corruption and fiscal
mismanagement brought the economy to its knees by the end of 1999. At that
point, the coup d'etat and the subsequent institution of the military junta
government caused the loss of foreign assistance. Private foreign investment
declined precipitously. Government internal and external debt ballooned. As a
result, the Ivoirian economy contracted 2.5% in 2000. The government signed a
Staff Monitoring Program with the IMF in July 2001. That may lead in early 2002
to a Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility, which could include substantial
budget support. Meanwhile, the European Union is cautiously resuming aid, and
the government has worked down its arrears with the World Bank which will likely
soon once again begin disbursing on several million dollars worth of projects
that have been on hold.
FOREIGN RELATIONS Cote d'Ivoire continues to maintain extremely close relations with France.
President Houphouet, who was a minister in the French Government prior to
independence, insisted that the connection with France remains strong. Concrete
examples of Franco-Ivoirian cooperation are numerous: French is Cote d'Ivoire's
official language; Cote d'Ivoire adopted the French legal system; a French
marine infantry brigade stationed in Abidjan augments security; some 20,000
French expatriates continue to work and live in Cote d'Ivoire; and CFA franc
currency is tied to the French franc (and the Euro).
The Ivorian Government has traditionally played a constructive role in
Africa. President Houphouet-Boigny was active in the mediation of regional
disputes, most notably in Liberia and Angola, and had considerable stature
throughout the continent. In 1996-97 Cote d'Ivoire sent a medical unit to
participate in regional peacekeeping in Liberia, its first peacekeeping effort.
Cote d'Ivoire's hopes to expand its involvement in regional peacekeeping efforts
were derailed by the December 1999 coup. Still a regional economic powerhouse,
Cote d'Ivoire hopes to retake its place in regional stability.
Cote d'Ivoire belongs to the UN and most of its specialized agencies, the
Organization of African Unity (OAU); West African Economic and Monetary Union
(UEMOA); Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS); African Mauritian
Common Organization (OCAM); Council of Entente Communaute Financiere Africane
(CFA); Non-aggression and Defense Agreement (ANAD); INTELSAT, Nonaligned
Movement; African Regional Satellite Organization (RASCOM); InterAfrican Coffee
Organizations (IACO); International Cocoa Organization (ICCO); Alliance of Cocoa
Producers; African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP); and Association of
Coffee Producing Countries (ACPC). Cote d'Ivoire also belongs to the European
Investment Bank (EIB) and the African Development Bank (ADB); it is an associate
member of the European Union.
U.S.-IVOIRIAN RELATIONS The United States and Cote d'Ivoire maintain an active cultural exchange
program, through which prominent Ivoirian Government officials, media
representatives, educators, and scholars visit the United States to become
better acquainted with the American people and to exchange ideas and views with
their American colleagues. This cooperative effort is furthered through frequent
visits to Cote d'Ivoire by representatives of U.S. business and educational
institutions, and by visits of Fulbright-Hays scholars and specialists in
various fields.
A modest security assistance program that provides professional training for
Ivoirian military officers in the United States has been suspended by the
Section 508 restrictions.
Principal U.S. Officials The U.S. embassy is located at 5 Rue Jesse Owens, Abidjan, Cote d'Ivoire
(tel. 225. 20-21-09-79, fax. 20-22-23-59); mailing address is 01 B.P. 1712,
Abidjan 01, Cote d'Ivoire.
TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATION Emergency information concerning Americans traveling abroad may be obtained from the Office of Overseas Citizens Services at (202) 647-5225. For after-hours emergencies, Sundays and holidays, call 202-647-4000. Passport information can be obtained by calling the National Passport Information Center's automated system ($.35 per minute) or live operators 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. (EST) Monday-Friday ($1.05 per minute). The number is 1-900-225-5674 (TDD: 1-900-225-7778). Major credit card users (for a flat rate of $4.95) may call 1-888-362-8668 (TDD: 1-888-498-3648). It also is available on the internet. Travelers can check the latest health information with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. A hotline at 877-FYI-TRIP (877-394-8747) and a web site at http://www.cdc.gov/travel/index.htm give the most recent health advisories, immunization recommendations or requirements, and advice on food and drinking water safety for regions and countries. A booklet entitled Health Information for International Travel (HHS publication number CDC-95-8280) is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402, tel. (202) 512-1800. Information on travel conditions, visa requirements, currency and customs regulations, legal holidays, and other items of interest to travelers also may be obtained before your departure from a country's embassy and/or consulates in the U.S. (for this country, see "Principal Government Officials" listing in this publication). U.S. citizens who are long-term visitors or traveling in dangerous areas are encouraged to register at the U.S. embassy upon arrival in a country (see "Principal U.S. Embassy Officials" listing in this publication). This may help family members contact you in case of an emergency. |
|